LGA AUTONOMY: ‘WHERE ANANABA GOT IT WRONG,’ BY ADEBAYO

BY MUTALUBI OJO ADEBAYO

I just watched and listened to Professor (Paul) Ananaba, SAN on CHANNELS TV (a repeat broadcast of Sunrise Daily). All that he said were just not a gross misconception of the law but he indeed turned the law on its head with respect to the subject of the discourse.

We are talking of the local government autonomy in Nigeria because that phrase strayed and or was smuggled into the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria when it was not meant to be there in the first instance at all. It was a very wrong and misplaced insertion in the Constitution by those who hurriedly prepared and drafted the Constitution.

There is nothing like Local Government autonomy in any federalism because the component units of a federation are just 2(two) namely- (1) the Central or the National Government which we called the Federal Government in Nigeria.

In a true federalism, the appropriate name is the National Government and (2) The State Governments and or the regional governments as the case may be.

Indeed, it is the federating units or the component units in the country or in the federation that agree to come together to form a union and thus create a government at the Centre or at the National level.

“Local government autonomy was a phrase that was smuggled into the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria”

Suffice to say that in any Federation, there are just 2(two) tiers or levels of government and they are just the National/Central/ Federal Government and the State Governments.

There is nothing known as the third tier of government and there cannot be any 3rd tier or level of government known as the local government because the local government are just or mere creation of the state government for ease of governance. They merely exist at the pleasure of the state government.

Another contraption in our Constitution is the recognition given by the Constitution to the local governments which are absolutely unnecessary and anti- federalism.

State Governments have absolute and exclusive rights and prerogative to create as many local governments as they may deem fit to have within their respective states without any recourse at all to the Federal or Central or National Government.

It is the state government who is entitled and has the responsibility exclusive responsibility to administer, run and manage those local governments as they like.

I am ready to make myself available to do a further conversation on this issue which is basically the issue of federalism and not an issue of constitutionalism.

Thank you.
25th October,2022

JCI Senator Mutalubi Ojo Adebayo,
Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice,
Oyo State of Nigeria (2011 -2015)
Email- adebayoojo90@gmail.com

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IS A PRESIDENT, GOVERNOR PROTECTED IF HE BREACHES CONSTITUTION?

BY JIBRIN OKUTEPA

MUST GOVERNORS, DEPUTY GOVERNORS, PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT ENJOY IMMUNITY IF THEY BREACH NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION?

It is not in dispute that section 308 of the Nigerian constitution 1999 as amended granted immunity to those named therein. The section provides that:

“Notwithstanding anything to the contrary in this Constitution, but subject to subsection (2) of this section –
(a) no civil or criminal proceedings shall be instituted or continued against a person to whom this section applies during his period of office;
(b) a person to whom this section applies shall not be arrested or imprisoned during that period either in pursuance of the process of any court or otherwise; and
(c) no process of any court requiring or compelling the appearance of a person to whom this section applies, shall be applied for or issued:

Provided that in ascertaining whether any period of limitation has expired for the purposes of any proceedings against a person to whom this section applies, no account shall be taken of his period of office.
(2) The provisions of subsection (1) of this section shall not apply to civil proceedings against a person to whom this section applies in his official capacity or to civil or criminal proceedings in which such a person is only a nominal party.
(3) This section applies to a person holding the office of President or Vice-President, Governor or Deputy Governor; and the reference in this section to “period of office” is a reference to the period during which the person holding such office is required to perform the functions of the office”.

This section is the section that has castrated law enforcement agencies and other persons with good cause from filing and prosecuting some governors accused of or suspected of having abused their offices. In making the provisions for immunity as in the above section, it was the intention of the draftsman of our constitution that those who were granted immunity will be nationalistic and patriotic enough to pay due fidelity and undiluted respect for the constitution and will themselves not be agents that will violate the constitution with impunity.

The question I ask is, MUST A GOVERNOR, DEPUTY GOVERNOR, PRESIDENT AND VICE PRESIDENT ENJOY IMMUNITY IF ANY OF THEM DELIBERATELY BREACHED NIGERIAN CONSTITUTION? It is submitted that they should not. I do not see the basis to accord immunity protection to any of the beneficiaries of immunity if any knowingly breaches, violates or undermines the constitution.

Writing on the issue a retired jurist of our Apex Court opined to me that: “The Governor in his Oath of Office, consistent with Chapter II of the Constitution, undertakes to fight and eschew corruption in all its ramifications.

The oath is in the Schedule to the Constitution. The Code of Conduct for Public Officers is part of the Constitution, like s. 308 of the Constitution which must be read purposefully and holistically.

Can the Governor, reneging on his oath and violently violating other provisions of the constitution, plead the protection of s.308 of the same constitution? He who comes to equity must come with clean hands. Governor cannot, while violating the constitution seek protection of the same constitution. St. Paul: “He who does not acknowledge the law can be adjudged without it”

The learned jurist queried, “What’s the extent of immunity offered by s.308 of the Constitution? Can a Governor e.g. of Benue State who commits a crime or civil wrong in Kogi or Nasarawa State, or even FCT, plead the immunity extra territorially? Each State in a Federation is sovereign and autonomous of the other and the Federal Government. When a Governor is charged under a federal enactment for a federal offence, does s.308 immunity avail him?

We need to interrogate these questions. While it is true that time does not run against the state in criminal prosecution and that by the same section 308 of the constitution limitation law is put in abeyance for civil proceedings, it cannot be seriously argued that during the period these people enjoy immunity, they can do all to cover up and cause vital evidence to be unavailable when they no longer enjoy immunity.

I think given the docile nature of our legislative houses and the fact that in most cases, our legislative Houses are just stooges of the executive arm of government, time has come to have a second look at the immunity clause in our constitution.

In Nigeria those who violate the laws always claim protection of the law. I do not see why a governor who is in fragrant violation of the constitution should be accorded constitutional protection of immunity. We seem to have insatiable appetite to accommodate wrongs in the guise of paying fidelity and obedience to this constitutional provision and then accord immunity to those who enjoyed immunity under section 308 of the Nigerian constitution even in the face of their gross violation of the same constitution.

We need to interrogate the culture of legal practice in Nigeria. We seem to pursuing abstract justice at the expense of justice that serves the interests of the society and humanity. Why should we advocate and argue in favour of immunity for those who have no regards for our constitution in the manner they loot our treasuries dry?

Instead of using law and practice law that enhances and promote social engineering, we seem to encourage utopian theories of law and then undermine societal equilibrium in aiding and abetting those who ought to be in jail.

  • Mr. Jibrin Okutepa is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria.

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ACTIVIST-LAWYER CAUSES STIR AT SUPREME COURT WITH ‘CROSS DRESSING’

Human rights activist, Chief Malcolm Omirhobo has appeared at the Supreme Court in lawyers’ robes garnished with traditional embellishments.

In trending videos sighted by CITY LAWYER, the lawyer cited a Supreme Court judgement delivered last Friday as having given him “licence” to dress in that manner, noting that he appeared without wearing shoes.

This is coming against the backdrop of a query given to a Bar aspirant by the Nigerian Law School for drinking water during Bar dinner without the use of a glass cup.

According to Omirhobo, “This is how I will be coming (to court). By the Supreme Court judgement we have been given licence to dress in our religious attire because it will be an infringement or a flagrant violation of my fundamental right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion for anybody to stop me.

“You saw, I went into the Supreme Court and we have been given the licence. Even my children will dress like this to the Supreme Court and I will encourage my fellow traditionalists, those who are serving Olokun, and Sango and Sopano, God of Thunder, God of Iron, I will encourage them to dress like this because it is always good to be religious. We need to be close to the spirits.

“You can see, I am not wearing any shoes. Ifa has told me that if I wear shoes, I will be dead. So what will I do? I have to obey the spirits. By the Supreme Court judgement on Friday we have been given licence to dress in our religious attire because it is the mood of our worship.”

Asked whether he could be arrested by security operatives for dressing in that manner, he stated that not even President Muhammadu Buhari can arrest him for that, adding that “It is my fundamental right.”

He vowed to appear in court and present his case in the same outfit, saying the Nigerian Constitution did not bar him from doing so.

It was unclear at press time the judgement the activist was referring to. CITY LAWYER however recalls that the Supreme Court had last Friday given approval to female Muslim students to wear hijab to school in Lagos State.

Watch video here:

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ORBIH WINS, AS COURT BARS EDO STATE FROM LAND USE CHARGE

The Edo High Court Sitting in Benin City has barred Governor Godwin Obaseki and the Edo State Geographic Information Service (GIS) from the collection of land use charge in the state, describing it as unconstitutional, null and void.

The judgement which was delivered by Justice Peter Akhihiero on April 25, 2022 was sequel to a suit brought before him by the claimant, Chief Ferdinand Orbih SAN.

Justice Akhihiero held that land use charge was an exclusive matter for the 18 local government areas in the state.

In the Judgement with suit No. B/99D/2022, counsel to the claimant, Kingsley Obamogie had argued that by Section 7 (1) (5) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the collection of “Land Use Charge” was the exclusive duties of the 18 local governments of the state specifically donated by the constitution, which does not allow any derogation whatsoever.

Obamogie specifically made reference to Paragraph 1(j) of the Fourth Schedule to the Constitution that the Land Use Charge Law, 2012 and argued that the law as enacted by the Edo State House of Assembly was in flagrant breach of Section 7 Subsection 1 and 5 and paragraph 1(j) of the Fourth Schedule to the constitution.

He stated that local governments could not give up powers given to them by the constitution to collect tenement rates through an agreement between the 18 local governments and Edo State Government, being an obligatory duty imposed by the constitution.

Delivering the Judgement, Justice Akinhiero held that there was no written agreement presented to the court between the 18 local governments and the Edo State government delegating the powers to collect tenement rates to the state government.

The court also held that it was an ouster of express powers provided by the constitution for the Land Use Change Law to give powers to the Edo State Government to collect Tenement Rates using the Edo GIS.

The court then declared the Edo State Land Use Charge Law 2012, which purports to take the powers from the local governments in Edo State to collect tenement rates, as null and void, according to a THISDAY report.

Said Justice Akinhiero: “Sequel to the foregoing, I hold that in the light of the provision of Section 7, sub-section 1 and 5 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended) and paragraph 1(j) of the fourth schedule to the aforesaid 1999 constitution the provision of section 3 (2), 5, 18, 24 and the identified parts of section 27, the land use charge law , 2012 of Edo State are unconstitutional , invalid, null and void and of no effect whatsoever. I therefore resolved issue 1 in favor of the claimant.”

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TAIDI PRAISES NBA CALABAR, HARPS ON NEED FOR ‘PEOPLE’S CONSTITUTION’

The immediate past General Secretary of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Mr. Jonathan Taidi has commended NBA Calabar Branch on its choice of theme for this year’s Annual Law Week.

Describing the theme as “quite apt,” the Bar Leader said that it is “coming at a time when our nation faces multiple challenges, including issues surrounding the extant constitution and the quest by ethnic nationalities for a truly people-oriented constitution that is the product of genuine participation by representatives of the diverse groups that make up this country.”

He expressed hope that the outcome of the discussions at the Law Week “will help contribute to the existing conversation around a genuine people’s constitution and how best to solve the lingering agitations and yearnings of our people.”

Below is the full text of the goodwill message.

GOODWILL MESSAGE ON THE OCCASION OF THE NIGERIAN BAR ASSOCIATION (NBA) CALABAR BRANCH (DOYEN BAR) 2022 BAR WEEK

It is with great delight that I felicitate with the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA) Calabar Branch on the occasion of her 2022 Bar Week with the theme: “We The People: Agenda For National Consensus.”

This theme is quite apt, coming at a time when our nation faces multiple challenges, including issues surrounding the extant constitution and the quest by ethnic nationalities for a truly people-oriented constitution that is the product of genuine participation by representatives of the diverse groups that make up this country.

It is my utmost expectation that the outcome of the discussions at the Bar Week will help contribute to the existing conversation around a genuine people’s constitution and how best to solve the lingering agitations and yearnings of our people.

I wish all attendees a memorable Bar Week.

Jonathan Gunu Taidi, Esq.
NBA General Secretary (2018 – 2020)

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ANXIETY, AS OJO FAULTS ECNBA, DEMANDS ZONING OF PRESIDENCY, OTHERS

  • WE WILL RESPOND SOONEST – ECNBA CHAIR

Fiery Bar Leader and former Secretary of the NBA Constitution Review Committee, Mr. Olasupo Ojo has faulted the Electoral Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association (ECNBA) over its recently released Preliminary Notice of Election.

The activist also demanded an amendment of the notice to reflect “micro zoning” of offices to geopolitical blocs. If implemented, the ECNBA may zone the contest for NBA Presidency to the North East Zone. This will leave the field wide open for the Chairman of the NBA Security Agencies Relations Committee, Chief Joe-Kyari Gadzama SAN to clinch the coveted seat while shutting out the Chairman of the NBA Welfare Committee, Mr. Yakubu Maikyau SAN and immediate past NBA General Secretary, Mr. Jonathan Taidi who are also believed to be eyeing the position.

In a letter to ECNBA obtained by CITY LAWYER, Ojo asked the ECNBA “to urgently fully give effect to the provisions of the NBA Constitution (including the binding micro zoning provisions) and administer the applicable rules fairly and firmly in line with the Commitment of the Committee as restated in your letter dated 1st February, 2022 to me.”

Meanwhile, the ECNBA Chairman, Mr. Richard Akintunde SAN told CITY LAWYER that the committee is already in receipt of the complaint, adding that it would respond “as soon as possible.”

The letter was titled “RE: ECNBA PRELIMINARY NOTICE OF ELECTION” and dated March 21, 2022. It was copied to NBA President and all national officers, the Chairman and all members of the Body of Benchers as well as the Chairman and all members of the NBA Board of Trustees.

According to Ojo, the Electoral Reform and Audit Committee “had recommended that the micro zoning provision in the NBA Constitution should be strictly adhered to in order to ensure that no group and/or section in a geographical zone is marginalized and the unity of the bar is preserved.”

He stated that “This recommendation was approved, adopted and endorsed by the National Executive Council as reflected in the communiqué issued by the President and General Secretary of the Association on 18th March, 2021.There was no contrary decision and/or resolution reached at the 2021 Annual General Meeting in Port-Harcourt on this adopted recommendation.”

He argued that while the different sections/groups that make up each geographical zone are the geopolitical zones/blocs, “the legitimate expectation from the ECNBA was for the preliminary notice of election to specifically indicate the particular sections/groups in the zones and the component states for each of the zoned positions.”

Ojo stated that he was “taken aback when I read the preliminary notice of election which did not specify the sections/groups and the component states in line with the mandatory micro zoning provision of the NBA Constitution. For the sake of emphasis, I hereby reproduce the provision of paragraph 4 of Part IV of the second schedule to the NBA Constitution thus: “Where a position is zoned to any particular geographical zone, the position shall be rotated and held in turn by the different groups and/or sections in the geographical zone.”

“There is no doubt that the office of the President, Second Vice President and General Secretary are zoned to the Northern, Eastern and Western Zones respectively. All that it left to be done is the reflection of the specific groups and/or sections within each of the Zones that should contest and hold the zoned officers in line with the micro zoning arrangement. This has not been done up till this moment although the guidelines are yet to be released.”

Berating the association for allegedly side-stepping its rules, Ojo said: “The NBA, as a professional body of lawyers, cannot continue to break its own rules and/or disregard the rule of law. You may recall that I had earlier instituted an action in Suit No FHC/CS/545/2016 (Olasupo Ojo v. Registered Trustees of Nigerian Bar Association) before the Federal High Court against the NBA Trustees in 2016 which was decided in my favour. The said Judgment invalidated the 2015 NBA Constitution under which the then NBA national leadership assumed office. Unfortunately, the Judgment of the Court was swept under the carpet and not complied with. It is that same invalidated Constitution that was amended in 2019 and further amended in 2021.”

The Bar Leader noted that he had also “objected to the registration of the NBA Constitution (as amended in 2021) by the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) in the manner in which it was presented by NBA on the ground that it was wrongly titled “NBA Constitution 2021” and contained sections 28 and 29 which purported to repeal the extant constitution all contrary to the resolution duly adopted and passed in 2021 at the Annual General Meeting in Port-Harcourt. CAC upheld my objection and following the success, the Constitution was corrected to properly read “The Constitution of the Nigerian Bar Association 2015 (as amended in 2021)” and the amendments were correctly reflected by the NBA as pointed out by me.”

His words: “As lawyers, we must always be seen to uphold the rule of law both in our words and actions. It is based on this same philosophy of upholding the rule of law that I deem it necessary to write to the ECNBA again in respect of the issues raised herein. I am finding it increasingly difficult to understand why an Association like NBA should find it difficult to obey its own rules. It is getting tiresome.”

CITY LAWYER recalls that the ECNBA recently issued the Preliminary Notice of Election and zoned the NBA Presidency and First Vice President to the “Northern Zone” while the Second Vice President went to the “Eastern Zone.” The post of Third Vice President and General Secretary were reserved for the “Western Zone while the other posts were not zoned to any bloc.

OLASUPO OJO_ECNBA++

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WHY FEDERAL HIGH COURT LACKS POWER TO REMOVE UMAHI

MR. JOHN COLLINS NWOBODO, an Enugu based lawyer, argues in this piece that while the Federal High Court by section 272 (3) of the Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) has jurisdiction to hear and determine the question as to whether the term of office of a Governor or Deputy Governor has ceased or become vacant, that jurisdiction is not at large but only relates to the recognized grounds for their removal 

LEGAL EXPLORATION OF THE UNTENABILITY OF THE FEDERAL HIGH COURT JUDGMENT REMOVING THE GOVERNOR AND DEPUTY GOVERNOR OF EBONYI STATE FROM OFFICE

Introduction
On Tuesday, 8 March 2022, the Federal High Court Abuja presided over by Honourable Justice Inyang Ekwo while delivering judgment in Suit Number FHC/ABJ/CS/920/2022 instituted by the Peoples Democratic Party ordered the sack of the Engineer David Nweze Umahi and Dr. Eric Kelechi Igwe, Governor and Deputy Governor of Ebonyi State respectively.

The reason for the court’s decision is premised on the court’s understanding that votes garnered during elections belong to the Political Party that sponsored the candidate citing section 221 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). In the court’s view, since the Governor and his Deputy had defected from the Political Party through which they came into office, they cannot lawfully transfer the votes obtained under the platform of the PDP to the APC, their new political abode. The said provision of section 221 of the Constitution cannot by any stretch of imagination be interpreted to mean that votes scored in an election belong to Political Parties. The section merely states that only Political Parties can canvass for votes for any candidate in an election. To canvass simply means to ask for or seek support. The language of the Constitution is so clear and unmistaken that the role of the Political Party is to ask for votes on behalf of its candidate. A benefit obtained on behalf of someone indeed belongs to the person on whose behalf it is solicited and not otherwise.

Germane to the issue under discourse is the question whether the office of Governor or Deputy Governor of a State becomes vacant upon the defection of the holder of the office from the Political Party on whose platform he was elected. Put differently, can the Governor or Deputy Governor be removed from office on the ground of defection?

The above formulated question will be answered by an exploration of the law on how, when and circumstances under which an elected executive political office holder- President, Vice President, Governor, Deputy Governor can be removed or may cease to hold office.

Grounds for vacation of office or cessation of office under the Constitution
Under the Constitution, the office of the President, Vice President, Governor and Deputy Governor will become vacant under the following circumstances:

(a) Succession
(b) Death
(c) Resignation
(d) Impeachment
(e) Permanent incapacity
(See generally, sections 135, 143, 144 in respect of President and Vice President; 180, 188, 189 in respect of Governor and Deputy Governor).

From the above provision, defection is not one of the grounds for the Governor or his Deputy to vacate office. This issue came up for determination in the Supreme Court in the case of Attorney General of the Federation & 2 Ors. v Atiku Abubakar & 3 Ors (2007) 10 NWLR (Pt 1041) 1 wherein the Supreme Court categorically stated: “The power to remove the President and Vice President is provided for in section 143 of the Constitution. The provision clearly gives the role of removing the two public officers to the National Assembly….The Constitution has not conferred on the court the power to declare the office of the holder of the two offices vacant for whatever reason. Section 146 of the Constitution relied on does not confer such power on the Court….What section 146(3)(c) provides for is that where the office of the Vice President becomes vacant ‘for any reason’, the President shall nominate a new person, with the approval of each House of the National Assembly to fill the vacancy. The subsection does not confer any role on the Court in the process.” Section 191 (3) is the equivalent provision to section 146 in relation to the office of the Governor and Deputy Governor and the interpretation given to section 146(3)(c) applies mutatis mutanda to section 191(3).

Defection not a ground for a Governor or Deputy Governor to vacate office
Under the Constitution, defection as a ground to lose an elective political office applies only to members of legislative houses- Senate, House of Representatives and House of Assembly of a State. See section 68(1)(g) of the Constitution in the case of a member of the National Assembly and section 109(1)(g) in the case of member of the House of Assembly. In Abegunde v Ondo State House of Assembly & Ors (2015 8 NWLR (Pt 1461) 314 at 320 ratio 1, the Supreme Court held under section 68(1) of the 1999, where a person whose election to the legislative house was sponsored by a political party, becomes a member of another political party before the expiration of the period for which that house was elected, he would have to lose his seat in that house. But under the proviso to the said section, if his membership of the new political party occurred because there was division in the political party which sponsored him and as a result he joined the new political party he does not lose his seat.

From the foregoing, it is clear that the Constitution did not intend that an elected executive political office holder will lose his position on the ground of defection. The Supreme Court in Jev v Iyortom (2015) 15 NWLR (Pt 1483) 484 at 497 ratio 8 stated that the express and unambiguous mention of one thing in a statutory provision automatically excludes any other which otherwise would have applied by implication with regard to the same subject matter. Had the framers of the Constitution intended that defection shall be a ground for vacation of office by elected executive political holders they would have provided so in clear terms.

The legal proposition that votes belong to Political Party no longer the law
Again, let us re-examine the reason, on which the Court’s decision was based, that is, that votes garnered during election belong to political parties and not the candidate. This is in fact no longer the law. The often quoted case of Amaechi v INEC (2008) 5 NWLR (Pt 1080) in support of the proposition that votes belong to the political parties no longer stands. In Ozomgbachi v Amadi (2018) 17 NWLR (Pt 1647 171 at 174 ratio 6, the Supreme Court emphatically held that it is individuals, as candidates, who contest and win elections. Also, in CPC v Ombugadu (2013) 18 NWLR (Pt 1385) 66 at 78, 79 ratio 6, the Supreme Court held: “…While a candidate at an election must be sponsored by a Political Party, the candidate who stands to win or lose the election is the candidate and not the political party that sponsored him. In other words, political parties do not contest, win or lose election directly; they do so by the candidates they sponsored…”

Two other instances in addition to the ones earlier mentioned which may give rise to the removal of an elected executive political office holder are:

(1) Through a pre-election case instituted within 14 days of the occurrence of the event. See section 285 (9) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended). However, the question may be asked did the suit which culminated in the orders made by the court a pre-election matter as defined by section 285 (14) of the Constitution (as amended). It is obviously not.

(2) Through an election petition complaining of an undue election or undue return. This is also not the case here.

Granted that the Federal High Court by section 272 (3) of the Constitution of Nigeria (as amended) has jurisdiction to hear and determine the question as to whether the term of office of…a Governor or Deputy Governor has ceased or become vacant, that jurisdiction is only in relation to the recognized grounds as already highlighted and does not extend to defection.

Impropriety of the Order Made
Another major flaw in the decision of the Court relates to the nature of order(s) granted. Assuming that defection is a ground to vacate office which is not though, the court lacked the jurisdiction to order the Peoples Democratic Party to submit a name of its candidate to INEC. In the circumstance where the offices of the Governor and Deputy Governor are vacant at the same time, the Speaker of the House of Assembly is the appropriate person to hold the office pending the conduct of fresh election. See section 191(2) of the Constitution (as amended).

Immunity not a bar when the issue touches on whether the office of a Governor or Deputy Governor has ceased or become vacant
One other point worth addressing before I end this discourse is the issue of whether the Governor can be sued in the context of the question of whether his office has become vacant. Learned Senior Advocate, Chief Mike Ozekhome, in his commentary titled, “Neither A Governor Nor Deputy Governor Can Be Removed From Office By A Court of Law For Defecting From His Political Party To Another” raised the question “Could the Governor and His Deputy Have Been Sued in the First Case?” and surmised that no civil or criminal proceedings could ever sustain against the Governor and Deputy Governor while still holding office citing in support the cases of Tinubu v IMB Securities PLC (2001) LPELR-3248 (SC); I.C.S (Nig.) Ltd v Balton B.V. (2003) 8 NWLR (Pt 822) 223; Fabunmi v IGP & Anor (no citation supplied) and Global Excellence Communications Ltd & ors v Donald Duke (2007) LPELR-1323 (SC). I strongly disagree with the Learned Senior Advocate’s viewpoint. The defence of immunity does not avail a Governor or Deputy Governor when the question borders on whether the term of office of a Governor or Deputy Governor has ceased or become vacant. This is because the Federal High Court is imbued or clothed with jurisdiction to hear and determine the question as to whether the term of office of…a Governor or Deputy Governor has ceased or become vacant by virtue of section 272 (3) of the Constitution of Nigeria (as amended).

John Collins Nwobodo Esq. LL.B, BL, LL.M
Enugu based Legal Practitioner

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CITY LAWYER cannot guarantee the completeness, accuracy of the data and content of the website, nor that it is up to date at all times. CITY LAWYER accepts no liability for any direct or indirect damage of any kind whatsoever that arises from, or is in any way related to the use of the website or its accessibility or lack thereof. The assertions and opinions expressed in articles, announcements and/or news on this website reflect the views of the author(s) and do not (necessarily) reflect the views of the webmaster, the internet provider or CITY LAWYER. CITY LAWYER can in no way whatsoever be held responsible for the content of such views nor can it be held liable for any direct or indirect damage that may arise from such views. CITY LAWYER neither guarantees nor supports any product or service mentioned on this website, nor does it warrant any assertions made by the manufacturers or promoters of such products or services. Users of this website are always recommended to obtain independent information and/or to perform independent research before using the information acquired via this website.

BREAKING: CAC APPROVES NBA AMENDED CONSTITUTION

The Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) amended Constitution has been approved by the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), CITY LAWYER can authoritatively report.

CITY LAWYER had yesterday reported serious disquiet within legal circles regarding the delay in registration of the amended constitution with the CAC.

NBA President, Mr. Olumide Akpata had however told CITY LAWYER that there was no cause for concern, assuring that the amended constitution would be approved in a matter of days.

Asked by CITY LAWYER to confirm feelers from unimpeachable sources that the amended constitution has now been approved by the CAC, Akpata said: “Confirmed.”

A copy of the approved constitution sighted by CITY LAWYER showed that it was adjusted to reflect the petition by former Secretary to the NBA Constitution Review Committee, Mr. Olasupo Ojo who urged the CAC to refuse registration of the amended constitution.

The 92-page approved amended constitution is now titled, “The Constitution of the Nigerian Bar Association 2015 (as amended in 2021.”

NBA political watchers believe that the CAC approval now gives the Electoral Committee of the NBA (ECNBA) a clear roadmap to go full blast with its preparations for the forthcoming National Officers Election, thus clearing the haze over the legal regime for the all-important election.

CITY LAWYER recalls that Ojo had petitioned the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), urging it to decline registration of the amended NBA Constitution. In the letter titled “NOTICE OF OBJECTION TO REPEAL OF THE NIGERIAN BAR ASSOCIATION CONSTITUTION, 2015 (AS AMENDED IN 2019), Ojo argued that the NBA “duly adopted and passed the resolution to amend the Extant Constitution at the 2021 Annual General Meeting,” adding that “Contrary to the foregoing state of fact and resolutions of the AGM, it now appears that the NBA had inadvertently inserted the following into the proposed NBA Constitution 2021 which purports to now repeal the extant Constitution:

i. Insertion of Sections 28 and 29 which purports to Repeal the Extant Constitution.

ii. Insertion of a Cover which reads: Nigeria Bar Association Constitution 2021.” 

Ojo could not be reached at press time for comments.

NBA Constitution as Amended

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FHC LACKS JURISDICTION TO REMOVE UMAHI, SAYS OKUTEPA

In this opinion article which he posted today on the CITY LAWYER WhatsApp platform, fiery Bar Leader and Election Petition lawyer, MR. JIBRIN OKUTEPA SAN argues that the Federal High Court lacks the constitutional power to unseat Ebonyi State Governor Dave Umahi

Today the a Federal High Court sitting in Abuja had ordered the Governor Ebonyi State Chief Dave Umahi and his Deputy Chief Eric Kelechi Igwe to vacate their offices on account of their defections from PDP to APC. The plaintiff in the matter was PDP. The learned trial judge based his judgment, from what I gathered from the news making rounds that the votes that brought the Governor and his Deputy to power were votes of PDP and not personal votes of the duo, and therefore the duo were not capable of transferring the votes to APC. Before I make further comments let me be clear. I am not a member of any of the Nigerian Political parties and I have no political affinity with any. My comments are purely to interrogate the constitutional validity of the decision and the jurisdiction of the court to make the orders and declarations it made.

This judgment on the superficial level seems very attractive and well intentioned to instill political sanity in our otherwise reckless political terrains. But beyond this and also scoring political debates, is there jurisdiction in the Federal High Court to make the orders it made, in the light of, and upon a dispassionate construction and interpretation of Nigerian Constitution 1999 as amended. I do not think so. I will therefore endeavor to draw our attention to the procedures for removal of governor and his deputy and the authority or institution that has jurisdiction to do so as provided in our constitution.

There is no dispute that the Nigerian Constitution provides that there shall be a governor and a deputy governor for each states of the Federation. See section 186 of the 1999 constitution. There is equally no doubt that for purposes of election to the office of the governor and deputy governor they do so on the platforms of political parties. This very much is conceded. But after elections, declaration and swearing in of the Governor and Deputy Governor, the Constitution has set out how they duo can be removed from office, who has the powers to remove them and which court can decide if their term of office has come to an end.

Section 188 of the 1999 Constitution deals with who can remove a Governor or Deputy Governor from office. It is the House of Assembly after following the due processes set out in the constitution. No matter the political iniquities committed by the Governor and his Deputy there is no jurisdiction in the Federal High Court to remove them from office or ordered their removal from office.

There is no power and jurisdiction in the Federal High Court to determine and declare that by constitutional misconduct of defecting to another political party other that the party upon which the Governor and the Deputy Governor were elected their seats had become vacant and to order the conduct of election to their offices. Jurisdiction to made post election declarations and orders as made by the Federal High Court is not in our constitution. Section 251 of the 1999 constitution as amended in subsection 4 limited the jurisdiction of Federal High Court to determine whether the seat of a member of House of Representatives has become vacant or that of members of senate.

It appears that the draftsman of our constitution did not contemplate that when a governor defects or his deputy then he or she must vacate the office. If that were to be the case, the constitution would have said so. See section 68(1) (g) of the 1999 Constitution. When there is a dispute whether the term of office of a member of House of Assembly, Governor or Deputy Governor has become vacant or that they have ceased to hold their respective offices by whatever allegations, only the state High Court has jurisdiction to entertain such complaints. See section 272 (3) of the Constitution.

Clearly from the reading of the entire Nigerian Constitution, it is submitted with respect that while one must celebrate the jurisprudential logic and reasoning in the judgment under review, which is thought provoking and accord with moral demands to see that our democracy is well nurtured and follow best international practices and standards, such logic and reasoning cannot be situated within any of the well known cannons of interpretations.

The Supreme Court set the cardinal principles governing the interpretation of constitutional provisions as enunciated in the case of Rabiu vs The State (1980) 8-11 SC 130, that Courts should whenever possible and in the interest of justice lean to the broader interpretation unless there is something in the text or the rest of the constitution indicating that the narrower interpretation will best carry out the objects and purposes of the Constitution. This very much his lordship Adekeye, JSC as he then was said in the case of the Attorney General of Nasarawa State vs. Attorney General Of Plateau State(2012) LPELR-9730(SC) at 62, paras. B-C) when his lordship said Constitution must be read as a whole to determine the object of particular provisions.

This is what the Supreme Court said: It is a settled principle of interpretation that whenever a Court is faced with the interpretation of a Constitutional provision, the Constitution must be read as a whole in determining the object of the particular provision. This requirement places a duty on the Court to interpret related Sections of the Constitution together. See Nafiu Rabiu v. The State (1980) 8 – 11 SC 130 at 148; (1980) 8 – 11 SC (Reprint) 85 and Bronik Motors & Anor v. Wema Bank Ltd (Supra). In Hon. Justice Raliat Elelu-Habeeb (Chief Judge of Kwara State) v. AG Federation & 2 Ors (2012) 2 SC (Pt.1) 145, this Court stated thus:- “The duty of the Court when interpreting a provision of the Constitution is to read and construe together all provisions of the Constitution unless there is a very clear reason that a particular provision of the Constitution should not be read together. It is germane to bear it in mind the objective of the Constitution in enacting the provisions contained therein. A Section must be read against the background of other Sections of the Constitution to achieve a harmonious whole. This principle of whole statute construction is important and indispensable in the construction of the Constitution so as to give effect to it.

Guided by the above decisions and other decisions of our superior courts of record, it is my submission that the decision of the Federal High Court in this case suffers seriously from jurisdictional fatalities and may not stand when challenged. The question of independent candidate does not arise in this case.

Clearly the constitution has set out how a Governor and Deputy can be removed from office after they had assumed duties. The law is that where the law has set out how a thing is to be done and in this case the Nigerian Constitution has set out how to remove Governor and Deputy only that procedures must be followed. This much the Supreme Court has said per Garba JSC. Hear Garba JSC.

“In IAL 361 Inc. v. Mobil Nig. Plc (supra), the law was restated at page 2 that:- “And the law is sacrosanct that where there is a non-compliance with a stipulated precondition for setting a legal process in motion, any suit instituted in contravention of the pre-condition provision of the relevant law, is incompetent and a Court of law, is for that reason, lacking in jurisdiction/power to entertain it.” The cases of Western Steel Works Ltd. v. Iron & Steel Workers Union of Nigeria (1986) 3 NWLR (pt. 30) 617, Ajanaktl v. C.O.P. (1979) 3 & 4 SC, 28, and Gambari v. Gambari (1990) 5 NWLR (pt. 152) 572 are cited and relied on for that position of the law. This Court, per Musdapher, JSC, (former CJN) in the case of Owoseni v. Faloye (2005) 14 N WLR (pt. 496) 719 at 740 had stated in the lead judgment, that:- “Now, in my view, the Court of Appeal is perfectly right in the statement of the law to the effect that where a statute prescribes a legal line of action for the determination of an issue, be it an administrative matter, Chieftaincy matter, or a matter for taxation, before going to Court.” Oguntade, JSC, in his concurrent decision emphasized at page 757, that: “It is important to stress that laws which prescribed that some procedural steps to be taken to resolve a dispute before embarking on actual litigation are not and cannot be treated or categorized as ousting of the jurisdiction of the Court. Indeed, if such laws do so, they would be in conflict with the provisions of the Constitution. Such laws, only afford the body to which such disputes must be referred to in the first instance an opportunity to resolve the dispute if it can before recourse to the Court. In other words, they serve the purpose of preventing actual litigation in Court where it is possible or desirable to resolve the dispute.” Then in Ogologo v. Uche (2005) 14 NWLR (pt. 945) 226 at 245, Belgore JSC (former CJN) restated, emphatically, that:- “Where a law has given exclusive power to a body to decide, the Court cannot come in before that body has exercised that power. Court can come in only where there is exhaustion of all remedies before that body and Court will then be able to decide whether that power had been exercised lawfully.” See also Okomalu v. Akinbode (2006) 9 NWLR (pt. 985) 338 (SC). From these authorities, it is clearly incontestable, legally, that where the provisions of a statute or law prescribe some internal mechanisms by which, remedies or reliefs for some grievance/s could be sought and to be followed or complied with by a party before instituting a legal action in a Court of law over the same grievance/s, the party has no discretion or option, but to exhaust all the remedies provided for by the statute or law first, before going to Court as the Court’s jurisdiction in such circumstance, will be put in abeyance pending the completion of the internal mechanisms for the remedies. I refer to ORAKUL RESOURCES LIMITED & ANOR V. NIGERIAN COMMUNICATIONS COMMISSION & ORS (2022) LPELR-56602(SC) Per GARBA, JSC at PP. 26-29, paras. D-A

Clearly the procedures adopted by the PDP in seeking the removal appears with respect outside of the contemplation of our constitution.

But let us wait and see what the other higher courts in the land will say, but until then it does not lie in the mouth of the Governor or his Deputy to say they will not obey the orders. Their remedies are not in acting contemptuously but in ventilating their dissatisfactions by due process.

Copyright 2020 CITY LAWYER. Please send emails to citylawyermag@gmail.com. Join us on Facebook at https://web.facebook.com/City-Lawyer-Magazine-434937936684320 and on TWITTER at https://twitter.com/CityLawyerMag All materials available on this Website are protected by copyright, trade mark and other proprietary and intellectual property laws. You may not use any of our intellectual property rights without our express written consent or attribution to www.citylawyermag.com. However, you are permitted to print or save to your individual PC, tablet or storage extracts from this Website for your own personal non-commercial use. The views expressed in this article are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect

CITY LAWYER cannot guarantee the completeness, accuracy of the data and content of the website, nor that it is up to date at all times. CITY LAWYER accepts no liability for any direct or indirect damage of any kind whatsoever that arises from, or is in any way related to the use of the website or its accessibility or lack thereof. The assertions and opinions expressed in articles, announcements and/or news on this website reflect the views of the author(s) and do not (necessarily) reflect the views of the webmaster, the internet provider or CITY LAWYER. CITY LAWYER can in no way whatsoever be held responsible for the content of such views nor can it be held liable for any direct or indirect damage that may arise from such views. CITY LAWYER neither guarantees nor supports any product or service mentioned on this website, nor does it warrant any assertions made by the manufacturers or promoters of such products or services. Users of this website are always recommended to obtain independent information and/or to perform independent research before using the information acquired via this website.

ELECTORAL ACT 2022: LOCUS STANDI ON QUALIFYING ASPIRANTS AN ABERRATION

In this article by DR. KAYODE AJULO, he x-rays Section 29(5) and Section 84(14) of the Electoral Act, 2022 and argues that limiting the persons who can challenge the submission of false information to INEC to only an Aspirant who participated in the primary election amounts to giving a carte blanche to political parties to indulge in impunity and continued violation of the Constitution to the detriment of electorate

LIMITATION OF LOCUS STANDI OF PERSONS WHO CAN CHALLENGE QUALIFICATION OF A CANDIDATE TO ONLY AN ASPIRANT BY SECTION 29(5) OF THE ELECTORAL ACT IS AN ABERRATION AND INIMICAL TO EFFECTIVE DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE.

Introduction
It is no more news that President Muhammadu Buhari on Friday, 25th February, 2022 signed the Electoral Act, 2022 into law. It suffices to recall that the said Bill was signed into law after it has suffered protracted delay and setbacks both from the Presidency and the National Assembly, particularly on the provision of the Bill which relates to mandatory direct primaries.

While commending the drafters of the Act for the wealth of industry and Mr. President for leaving behind a great legacy in our electoral process, it is pertinent to draw attention to the provision of Section 29(5) of the Act which limits the power to challenge the Constitutional qualification of a candidate for an election to only an Aspirant.

Exclusive right of a Political Party to field in candidate of its choice
Before delving into the probity or otherwise of Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022, it is pertinent to state as a prefatory that the choice of candidates by political parties for elective office being a political issue is governed by the rules, guidelines and constitution of the political party concerned and is a matter of internal affairs of the political party concerned. It is not to be questioned before any Court as it is non-justiciable. See the case of DALHATU V. TURAKI (2003) 15 NWLR (PT 843)

Furthermore, as a legal proposition, no member of a political patty has the locus standi to question the party’s prerogative right on the issue of its choice of candidates for elective office not even in the face of breaching of its rules and regulations.
The Supreme Court in the case of PDP & ORS v. EZEONWUKA & ANOR (2017) LPELR-42563(SC) held as follows:
“I dare say, The redress available to such a member who is aggrieved and who has suffered any damage as a result of refusing him nomination and sponsorship lies in damages against the political party and subject to the provision of the party constitution, rules and regulations.”

Redress available under the Electoral Act

However, the Electoral Act has made provision for instances where persons can challenge the qualification of a candidate fielded for election by a political party on the one hand and the failure of the political party to comply with its Constitution, guidelines and the provision of the Electoral Act in the conduct of primary election.

This rights were conferred by the provision of Section 31(5) and Section 87(9) of the Electoral Act, 2010 (as amended) both on “any person” in the first instance and on an “Aspirant” in the second instance.

The rationale for ensuring rights of redress and access to court have been given judicial imprimatur by the Supreme Court.

In the case of Ugwu v. Ararume (2007) FWLR (Pt.1048) 367 at 449 Noki-Tobi, J.S.C held that
“…It is certainly not the intention of the Act (Electoral Act of 2006) to gamble with an important aspect of the electoral process, such as primaries in the hands of a political party to dictate the pace in any way it likes, without any corresponding exercise of due process on the part of the aggrieved person.”

Similarly, at page 461 of the judgment Oguntade, J.S.C held as follows:
An observer of the Nigerian political scene today easily discovers that the failure of the parties to ensure intra-party democracy and live by the provisions of their Constitutions as to the emergence of candidates for elections is one of the major causes of the serious problems hindering the enthronement of a representative government in the country.

What does Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022 provide?

Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act provides as follows:
“Any Aspirant who participated in the primaries of his political party who has reasonable grounds to believe that any information given by his political party’s candidate in the affidavit or any document submitted by that candidate in relation to his constitutional requirements to contest the election is false, may file a suit at the Federal High Court against that candidate seeking that the information contained in the affidavit is false.”

A bird view of the above provision and a literal interpretation of the above section is to the effect that only an Aspirant who participated in the primaries of his political party and who has reasonable grounds to believe that a candidate of his political party submitted false information to INEC can challenge same.

Who is an Aspirant?

An aspirant is a person with a strong desire to achieve a position of importance or to win a competition. In the case of PDP & ANOR V. SYLVA & ORS (2012) LPELR-7814(SC) defined an Aspirant as follows:
An aspirant is a person with a strong desire to achieve a position of importance or to win a competition.

Indeed Section 87 (1) of the Electoral Act States that: “A political party seeking to nominate candidates for elections under this Act shall hold primaries for aspirants to all elective posts.”

From the above it is clear that an aspirant is aperson who contested the primaries. An aspirant is thus a candidate in the primaries.

Hence by parity of interpretation, it is only a person who contested at the primary election of a political party that can challenge the qualification of a candidate to contest election.

It therefore implies that by virtue of the provision of Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022, a concerned citizen, member of an opposition party, Non-Governmental Organization can no longer challenge the qualification of a candidate to contest election.

Comparison of Section 31(5) of the Electoral Act, 2015 and Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022.

In proffering argument in support of the limitation placed by Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2015, it is imperative to consider a similar provision of Section 31(5) of the Electoral Act, 2015.

Section 31(5) provides as follows:
Any person who has reasonable grounds to believe that any information given by a candidate in the affidavit or any document submitted by that candidate is false may file a suit at the Federal High Court, High Court of a State or FCT against such person seeking a declaration that the information contained in the affidavit is false.

This provision of the Act has been adjudicated upon and interpreted by the tiers of Court, particularly the Supreme Court of Nigeria. In the case of LAWRENCE V. PDP & ORS(2017) LPELR-42610(SC) held as follows:
The operative words in Section 31(5) of the Electoral Act therefore are, a person”. The determination is a matter of interpretation.

I seek to state that in the interpretation of statutes, the law is trite and well entrenched that where the legislative words are clear and unambiguous, the Court must interpret and apply the words in their plain and ordinary meaning. This Court has held in a long line of cases that, it is not for the Court to re-draft a statute especially where the wordings are devoid of ambiguity or confusion. See Kotoye v. Saraki (1994) 7 NWLR (Pt.357) page 414…For all intents and purposes, the use of the words, a person” presupposes any person. It is also open ended to all and at the same time inclusive of all and without restriction or exclusion. The fact that one is a member of a particular political party or not, is of no relevance but is all embracing.
See also the case of PDP V. INEC & ORS (2014) LPELR-23808(SC).

It is opined that limiting the persons who can challenge the submission of false information to INEC under the provision of Section 66(i) of the 1999 Constitution and other relevant sections to only an Aspirant who participated in the primary election as done under Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act, 2022 amounts to giving a carte blanche to political parties to indulge in impunity and continued violation of the provisions of the Constitution to the detriment of electorates and the Nigerian Citizens.

The Supreme Court while berating such acts of impunity in the case of SALEH V. ABAH & ORS held as follows:
“The culture of impunity exhibited by the 1st and 3rd Defendants continued unabated with 2nd Defendant, INEC declaring 3rd Defendant not only eligible but the winner of the said general elections 2015 (sic) and returned him unopposed as the Honorable member for the said Federal constituency on the platform of 1st Defendant, PDP, as other registered Political parties fielded no candidates at the general election 2015. The era of political parties presenting candidates holding public offices at Local, State and National levels with forged certificates which still persists in the polity needs to be addressed urgently by relevant law enforcement agencies and other stakeholders (and we add-including Courts) in this nascent democracy (Emphasis ours).”

The Apex Court further held as follows:
This Court must take the lead, in righting the wrongs in our society, if and when the opportunity presents itself as in this appeal. Allowing criminality and certificate forgery to continue to percolate into the streams, waters and oceans of our national polity would only mean our waters are and will remain dangerously contaminated. The purification efforts must start now, and be sustained as we seek, as a nation, to now ‘change’ from our old culture of reckless impunity.

The Nigerian Constitution is supreme. It desires that no one who had ever presented forged certificate to INEC should contest election into Nigeria’s National Assembly. This is clear and sacrosanct…

More compelling as a judicial determination had been taken by no less a technical panel sitting in, at least, a panel of three judges as Election Tribunal with constitutional mandate to determine such issues as they relate to elections and its outcomes, including eligibility. This has also been affirmed by the trial Court in this appeal. On these issues, our duty is to apply the Constitution and the law in its start, original form undiluted by colourated interpretations.

Flowing from the above, disempowering concerned citizens who has no political interest from challenging the qualification of a candidate who presented false information or forged certificate to INEC will only allow criminality and certificate forgery to continue to percolate into the streams, waters and oceans of our national polity and would only mean our waters are and will remain dangerously contaminated.

Presentation of false information or forged Certificate to INEC is a violation of the provisions of the Constitution and any person who believes that there is a violation of the Constitution ought to be allowed to approach the court to seek redress.

On this point, it is also imperative to draw attention to some salient questions:
a. What happens where there is only one Aspirant or where there is a consensus candidate and same has presented a forged certificate or false information to INEC?
b. What happens where an Aspirant has been bought over by the political party or its candidate?

It is also pertinent to add for the enlightenment of the unlearned that INEC cannot unilaterally disqualify a candidate from participating in an election even if same is aware of any anomaly perpetrated by the candidate or his political party.

It is therefore opined that the National Assembly must forthwith amend the provision of Section 29(5) of the Electoral Act to allow any person who believes that a candidate has submitted false information or forged certificate to INEC to approach the Court to seek a declaration of same.

On Limiting jurisdiction to challenge the qualification of a candidate and conduct of primary election to only the Federal High Court.

A careful perusal of Section 29(5) and Section 84(14) of the New Electoral Act clearly shows that the only court with jurisdiction to entertain any pre-election matter and any suit challenging presentation of false information to INEC is the Federal High Court.

The implication of the above is that the Federal High Court is spooked with a lot of pre-election matters.

One must not forget that there are other civil and criminal cases pending before the Court.

One therefore tend to wonder what befalls these other cases during pre-election period, particularly considering the limited number of judges and the fact that all pre-election matter must be concluded within a period of 180 days from the date of filing.

The Supreme Court in the case of LAU V. PDP & ORS (2017) LPELR-42800(SC) while commending the drafters of the Electoral Act, 2010(as amended) for making more courts available for Aspirants held as follows:
“Obviously, the law is not static, particularly in election matters, and what the lawmakers have done with the enactment of Section 87(9) of the Electoral Act, is to make more Courts available to aspirants, who complain that provisions of the Electoral Act and Guidelines of a Political Party, has not been complied with in nominating candidates. To insist on the narrow and limited jurisdiction exclusive to the Federal High Court under Section 251 (1) (q) (r) and {s) of the 1999 Constitution when it comes to election and election related matters, is to close the doors that was opened to such dissatisfied aspirants to seek redress in the other High Courts other than Federal High Court. This I will not do; and this issue is resolved in favour of the Appellant.”

As could be gleaned from the decision of the Apex Court, limiting the court with jurisdiction to challenge the qualification of a candidate and non-compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Act and guidelines of a political party as done in Section 29(5) and Section 84(14) of the Electoral Act, 2022 will clog the wheel of progress of politics in Nigeria, considering the large number of cases in the dockets of the Federal High Court and the limited number of Federal High Court judges.

Conclusion
On the backdrop of the above arguments and salient judicial authorities cited, it is therefore opined that to ensure free and fair election and sustenance of good governance in our polity, concerned members of the society, civil society organizations, members of the opposition party must be able to challenge the qualification of a candidate who has presented false information or forged certificate to INEC.

Similarly, the High Court of the States and the FCT should be donated with jurisdiction to entertain pre-election matters as same is time bound and requires expedite adjudication.

Ajulo, a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators (UK), is the Managing Partner at Castle of Law, Nigeria.

Copyright 2020 CITY LAWYER. Please send emails to citylawyermag@gmail.com. Join us on Facebook at https://web.facebook.com/City-Lawyer-Magazine-434937936684320 and on TWITTER at https://twitter.com/CityLawyerMag All materials available on this Website are protected by copyright, trade mark and other proprietary and intellectual property laws. You may not use any of our intellectual property rights without our express written consent or attribution to www.citylawyermag.com. However, you are permitted to print or save to your individual PC, tablet or storage extracts from this Website for your own personal non-commercial use. The views expressed in this article are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect

CITY LAWYER cannot guarantee the completeness, accuracy of the data and content of the website, nor that it is up to date at all times. CITY LAWYER accepts no liability for any direct or indirect damage of any kind whatsoever that arises from, or is in any way related to the use of the website or its accessibility or lack thereof. The assertions and opinions expressed in articles, announcements and/or news on this website reflect the views of the author(s) and do not (necessarily) reflect the views of the webmaster, the internet provider or CITY LAWYER. CITY LAWYER can in no way whatsoever be held responsible for the content of such views nor can it be held liable for any direct or indirect damage that may arise from such views. CITY LAWYER neither guarantees nor supports any product or service mentioned on this website, nor does it warrant any assertions made by the manufacturers or promoters of such products or services. Users of this website are always recommended to obtain independent information and/or to perform independent research before using the information acquired via this website.

ELECTORAL ACT: OKUTEPA BACKS NASS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES

Leading litigator and Senior Advocate of Nigeria, MR. JIBRIN OKUTEPA has chided commentators who lampoon the National Assembly for enacting direct primaries into our laws, arguing that the legislators have the sole mandate to prescribe the mode of primaries for political parties

The power to make laws for peace, order and good governance in Nigeria is vested in the National Assembly.

The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended says so. This is what the Constitution says in
section 4(1)-(3) thereof thus:

4. (1) The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation, which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives.

(2) The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive Legislative List set out in Part I of the Second Schedule to this Constitution.

(3) The power of the National Assembly to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation with respect to any matter included in the Exclusive Legislative List shall, save as otherwise provided in this Constitution, be to the exclusion of the Houses of Assembly of States.

From the above constitutional provisions the power of the National Assembly to make laws on any matter included in the Exclusive and Concurrent Legislative Lists is to the exclusion of any other persons or authorities.

The national assembly does not share its Legislative powers with political parties or Nigerian politicians.

Not too long ago the National Assembly enacted the Electoral Act to make provisions for direct primary elections in political parties in Nigeria.

This provision has not gone done well with some political actors who feel that such provision should not be made in the Electoral Act. These political actors argued albeit selfishly that primary elections of political parties are political questions and that the National Assembly has no powers to make law on political questions.

They further argued that such provisions are anti-democratic and such not be allowed.

These arguments do not appeal to me and any reasonable observers of undemocratic impositions of candidates through indirect primaries of political parties as have seen in the past. We are all witnesses to such impositions in our political experiments since the inception of civilian rule in Nigeria.

Indeed the indirect primaries of political parties had produced more political despots and tyrannical leadership in political godfathers than democratic evolutions of candidates for our elections at all levels. Indirect parties primaries had made contests for political offices more expensive and out of reach for those with ideas of how to govern Nigeria and had produced more corrupt rulers. Those who spent fortunes to get nomination by indirect primaries spend public resources to pay their political godfathers from the treasuries of the States. The arguments that the National Assembly have no power to enact law on how parties primaries shall be conducted are not rooted in constitutional logic and patriotic thinking. The National Assembly has powers to so make the law for Political parties.

By the provisions of the constitution cited hereof the National Assembly has powers to make laws on all the items in the Exclusive Legislative List.

By the provisions of item 22 of the Exclusive Legislative List the National Assembly has power to make laws on how
election to the offices of President and Vice-President or Governor and Deputy Governor and any other office to which a person may be elected under this Constitution, excluding election to a local government council or any office in such council. Therefore the National Assembly has powers to determine the mode of or the processes of how a candidate should emerge for election under the Constitution.

Again by item 56 of the 2nd Schedule of the Exclusive Legislative List the National Assembly has powers to make law on formation and regulations of political parties.

There is nothing unconstitutional in the National Assembly enacting the Electoral Act to provide for direct primary elections for political parties.That is part of its constitutional mandate to regulate the conduct of political parties.

In any case even the constitution of Nigeria does not contemplate indirect primaries of political parties as been done by very undemocratic impositions in Nigeria.

This is what the Constitution says:
223. (1) The constitution and rules of a political party shall- (a) provide for the periodical election on a democratic basis of the principal officers and members of the executive committee or other governing body of the political party.

I think that the National Assembly deserves commendations for the bold steps to democratise primaries of political parties in ensuring that members of the political parties and not few money bags have a say in those to fly the flags of their political parties.

Kudos to the National Assembly.

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CONTROVERSY, AS JUDICIAL BODY SHUNS NBA, APPOINTS SCRIBE

Barring any last-minute hitches, the Secretary of Nigeria’s Body of Benchers, Hajia Sadiya Turaki will tomorrow assume duties as the new scribe of the influential Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC).

Multiple and unimpeachable sources told CITY LAWYER that Turaki has been appointed by the commission chaired by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Tanko Muhammad as the new Secretary to replace Mr. Bassey E. Bassey who retired on September 23, 2020.

Turaki’s appointment is coming on the heels of allegations that the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) may have been shut out of the appointment process, contrary to the provisions of Section 153(2) and 154(1) of the 1999 Constitution as well as Paragraph 12 Part 1 of the Third Schedule to 1999 Constitution. 

While Paragraph 12 (6) Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the 1999 Constitution stipulates that the membership composition of the FJSC shall include “Two persons, each of whom has been qualified to practice as a Legal Practitioner in Nigeria for a period of not less than fifteen years, from a list of not less than four persons so qualified and recommended by the Nigerian Bar Association,” CITY LAWYER gathered from impeccable sources that NBA has not participated in the decision-making process of the commission for over two years since the tenure of its former representatives ended.

Paragraph 13(c), Part 1 of the Third Schedule to the 1999 Constitution empowers the commission to “Appoint, dismiss and exercise disciplinary control over the Chief Registrars and Deputy Chief Registrars of the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court, the National Industrial Court and all other members of the staff of the Judicial Service of the Federation not otherwise specified in this Constitution and of the Federal Judicial Service Commission.”

CITY LAWYER investigation shows that the last set of NBA representatives at the commission were Mr. Olumuyiwa Akinboro SAN and Hajia Fatima Kwaku (MFR) whose names were forwarded by then Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar to former President Goodluck Jonathan for transmission to the Senate for confirmation. Their five-year tenure ended on 3rd July, 2018.

A source who is familiar with the matter told CITY LAWYER that though the immediate past NBA President, Mr. Paul Usoro SAN made spirited efforts to ensure NBA’s representation at the commission, such efforts did not yield fruits. The source stated that though Usoro had on at least three occasions submitted the list of NBA nominees to the Chief Justice of Nigeria, there are strong indications that the list was not transmitted to the Senate through the President for approval. CITY LAWYER also gathered from unimpeachable sources that the names of two NBA nominees are still currently pending at the all-important commission.

Though CITY LAWYER sought the views of NBA President, Mr. Olumide Akpata on the development through a short messaging service and WhatsApp message to his verified telephone number, he promised that “I will call you back shortly” but was yet to do so at press time. 

Aside from NBA representatives, the commission’s membership comprises of the Chief Justice of Nigeria, who shall be the Chairman; President of the Court of Appeal; Attorney-General of the Federation; Chief Judge of the Federal High Court; President of the National Industrial Court, and “Two other persons, not being Legal Practitioners, who in the opinion of the President are of unquestionable integrity.” The non-lawyers are Senator Abba Ali and Malam Mohammed Sagir. However, only NBA is currently unrepresented in the 9-member commission.

The commission’s Secretary doubles as its Chief Executive and Accounting Officer.

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